This article examines the Serbian political leadership—the president and government alike—by addressing the dominant political figures’ narratives. We communicate with the theoretical aspects in the study of populism and conspiracy theories as this nexus enables us to examine the specific nature of the domestic politics in Serbia. In our view, the ruling elite complements its populist discourse with conspiracy theory to ensure its survival in power, by regularly generating fear about the threat posed to Serbian statehood and lack of apprehension for Belgrade’s geopolitical preferences and exploration of foreign policy alternatives. Our analysis fills a major gap in the literature, since there has been only sporadic research on this topic and none of it has focused on the merger of populism and conspiracy theory. The findings we have reached—largely those of the elite’s self-victimization narratives and their dissemination of anti-Western sentiments—provide for a fresh contribution to the debate concerning the power struggle and the state of democracy in Serbia, especially given the fact that the key political stakeholders draw heavily on pro-regime media outlets to readily disseminate their self-serving accounts.
Category: Branislav Radeljić, Ph.D.
Branislav Radeljić, Ph.D.
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AI as a New Public Intellectual?
In a dialogue with ChatGPT, I asked if it could be considered a public intellectual.
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Louvre Abu Dhabi as a State Project: A Museum, a New Ministry, and the Politics of Culture
As the first universal museum in the Arab world, Louvre Abu Dhabi (LAD) aims to cover all aspects of human history, promoting inclusivity and openness. Despite being hailed as a symbol of tolerance and intercultural dialogue, some shortcomings and valid criticisms are evident. This study explores LAD’s artistic and political roles, as well as its contribution to social cohesion and the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE’s) readiness to address broader issues in line with the UAE Centennial Plan 2071. The analysis also delves into the responsibilities of cultural initiatives, the challenges of operating within an authoritarian context, and the necessity for policy reconsideration to achieve the UAE’s ambitious visions. The fact that LAD has undoubtedly served state interests highlights its limitation in engaging with the broader mission of museums—to address often-unpleasant political and socioeconomic matters. Moreover, the article asserts that constructive exchanges about critical issues should be embraced as opportunities rather than threats; suppressing these discussions through censorship and fear undermines the potential for growth and understanding. Thus, the study calls for a balanced approach where cultural institutions like LAD can foster dialogue and contribute meaningfully to the social and political landscape of the UAE.
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‘We Condemn the Sin, not the Sinner’: Understanding the Attitudes of Adventist and Baptist Believers in Montenegro towards Sexuality
Although we have seen studies on religion and sexuality in the West come to dominate the relevant scholarship, the postsocialist environment with a predominantly Orthodox population has received less attention. This paper fills the gap by examining the attitudes of Adventist and Baptist believers in Montenegro, with a particular focus on abortion, premarital sexual activities and non-heteronormative sexuality. Because we were dealing with a minority population, we opted for a qualitative methodology and conducted semistructured interviews with 17 Adventist and 15 Baptist believers. As observed, our research participants’ position towards sexuality is closely related to the teachings found in the Bible. However, it is possible to observe certain differences between the two groups; for example, the interviewed Adventists tend to be more conservative than the interviewed Baptists. In addition, the male Adventists seem slightly more liberal than female Adventists, whereas the situation is different among Baptists, where women come across as more liberal than men.
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From Crisis Management to the crisis of management: Accountability and Liberal Democracies in the Outbreak of the Covid-19 Pandemic
The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic shocked societies around the world. In their efforts to tailor their responses to the crisis to their own conditions for survival, from the outset governments tended to resort to arguments that limited accountability before their populations. Liberal democracies were no exception to this approach. In this context, their leaders used the metaphor of war to describe their position as guarantors of the population’s survival in the face of the new threat. Caught between uncertainty and the need to predict the nature and evolution of the invisible enemy, their responses called into question the political, professional and personal responsibility of leaders. This article offers a reflection on the level of responsibility of governments in liberal democracies in managing the pandemic. During the crisis, decision-makers tended to be driven by the narratives that were most beneficial to them in order to escape their responsibilities, thereby underpinning their short-term political needs through the use of bellicose metaphors, the blame game, competition with other countries, and the dispersion of sources in the decision-making process. This reality now calls for reflection by social actors, including experts, intellectuals and the media, to transcend the prevailing rhetoric in management of the pandemic and the “new normal” that followed, so that the dynamics of constant alterations in the rules of the game and responsibilities can give way, in the future, to a scenario with less arbitrariness and more accountability.
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Digitization and Political Participation in the MENA Region: Egypt, Kuwait, and Tunisia
The article highlights the link between digitization and political participation in three Middle Eastern countries: Egypt, Kuwait, and Tunisia. The role of the Internet and social media in political engagement is thoroughly discussed from a historical-comparative perspective. Using micro and macro level data, the study analyzes the usage of new online technologies and online political participation.
The findings provide valuable insights for understanding the intricate nature of online political participation and the paradox between digital engagement and traditional political involvement. Despite the expansion of digital media, traditional political interest and participation has decreased. Egypt and Kuwait demonstrate advanced stages of digitization with widespread Internet access, while Tunisia’s progress is varied. -
You are either with us, or against us: the small state of Serbia between domestic ambition and external pressures
This article examines the position of Serbia as a small state in the context of external pressures, largely reflecting an ambition to balance the East and the West. While clearly interested in offers and benefits from collaboration with both geostrategic realms, Serbia’s authorities have always left space for possible alternatives—a trend that is expected to serve power preservation or to inform external players to what extent Serbia is keen on balancing and juxtaposing great powers in the region. While analyzing the limited case of the Covid-19 pandemic and the never-ending case of Kosovo, additionally actualized by the Russo-Ukrainian war, the present study suggests that Serbia is at the crossroads between growing ambitions and the real limitations of what its smallness can achieve. The paper concludes that Serbian foreign policy contains all the prerogatives of movement without a goal, a search for strategic partnerships, but without a coherent political vision—an approach that generates suspicion of being labelled as distracted and unreliable.
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De la gestión de crisis a la crisis de gestión: Responsabilidad y democracias liberales en el estallido de la pandemia de la COVID-19
El estallido de la pandemia de la COVID-19 conmocionó a las sociedades de todo el mundo. En su esfuerzo por adaptar sus respuestas a la crisis a sus propias condiciones de supervivencia, los gobiernos tendieron desde el principio a recurrir a argumentos que limitaban la rendición de cuentas frente a la población. Las democracias liberales no fueron ajenas a esta forma de abordar el problema. En ese contexto, sus dirigentes esgrimieron la metáfora de la guerra para describir su posición como garantes de la supervivencia de la población frente a la nueva amenaza. Atenazados entre la incertidumbre y la necesidad de predecir la naturaleza y la evolución del enemigo invisible, sus respuestas pusieron en entredicho la responsabilidad política, profesional y personal de los dirigentes. En este artículo se ofrece una reflexión sobre el nivel de responsabilidad de los gobiernos de las democracias liberales en la gestión de la pandemia. Durante la crisis, los decisores tendieron a dejarse llevar por las narrativas que les resultaban más beneficiosas para escabullirse de sus responsabilidades, apuntalando así sus necesidades políticas a corto plazo a través del uso de metáforas belicistas, el juego de culpas, la competición con otros países y la dispersión de las fuentes en el proceso de toma de decisiones. Esta realidad supone hoy un llamado a la reflexión a los actores sociales, incluidos los expertos, intelectuales y medios de comunicación, para trascender la retórica predominante en la gestión de la pandemia y la “nueva normalidad” que le siguió, de manera que la dinámica de alteraciones constantes de las reglas del juego y las responsabilidades pueda dar paso, en el futuro, a un escenario con menos arbitrariedad y más rendición de cuentas.
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Do They Really Care about Us? On the Limits of State Intervention
This paper examines the limits of state intervention through the relationship between freedom and equality, the rule of law and social justice, as well as through two highly contradictory concepts regarding the scope of government action – the concepts of minimal state and paternalistic state. Accordingly, we seek to identify a model capable of outlining the extent to which the state can intervene in the light of socially beneficial goals, but without compromising individual freedom. Since we cannot find such a model within the extreme positions of liberalism and socialism, this paper seeks to offer a satisfactory solution by mitigating some of the ideologically exclusive positions. It embraces Aristotle’s teaching about the middle as a virtue and proposes sophisticated neoliberalism as a potential alternative to the status quo. Still, as insisted, the government should never be allowed to assume uncontrollable powers and create conditions for collectivist doctrines that recognize no individual freedom.
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Does “Fortress Europe” have an alternative? EU member states between solidarity and national interests
This paper examines the repercussions of the 2015 European migrant/refugee crisis, which culminated with the 2018 dispute between Italy and France. It is concerned with the Dublin Regulation and the New Pact on Asylum and Migration, which are critical to the division and consequent polarizations across the EU. The Member States’ failure to show solidarity and agree to share the burden in relation to the distribution of immigrants and asylum seekers has brought the European integrationist project into question. In addition to considering the general theoretical explanations, the paper also looks into the African-origin migration/displacement as a proper trigger of widespread disagreements among European governments. The deliberate and systematic impoverishment of the local inhabitants – largely through the use of the French Treasurytied Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) franc – exposes the neo-colonial nature of the current practices and thus jeopardizes all those discourses and policy initiatives focused on the provision of peace and stability.